Mittwoch, 18. Mai 2016

NATO Paper on the TALLIN MANUAL Paper 8 The Role of Offensive Cyber Operations in Nato`s Collective Defence ( Summary) english


Tallin Paper No 8 Janes A. Lewis

The Role of Offensive Cyber Operations in Nato`s Collective Defence ( Summary)

 

Computers used to a hack are new military technology which are destabilizing. NATO integrate cyber sec into its planning progress. NATO`s cyber policy emphasized “prevention, detection, resilience and recovery. Cyber defence is a priority and become a central component of NATO`s planning. Any unclassified NATO network that is directly connected to the internet should be considered potentially compromised. US intel assesses that Russia given to its records of cyber collection, poses the greatest espionage threat to NATO computer networks. A lack of public discourse on offensive CO undercuts the legitimacy of NATO operations by failing to build public understanding and leaves NATO open to charges of sinister plots. Since denial of offensive capabilities is not credible when two NATO members are world leaders in CO.

The parallel for NATO is that cyber attack is a weapon with both strategic and tactical uses which only a few NATO members posses. No modern air force would enter into combat without electronic warfare capabilities. As Cyber and EW merge into a single activity, air ops will require cyber support. Offensive cyber capabilities will shape the battlefields of the future. NATO`s potential opponents will use hybrid warfare ( Iran, North Korea or none state actors as the Syrian Electronic Army.

Offensive Cyber Operations

Cyber attacks will serve several purposes and will not produce destructive effects similar to kinetic weapons but will seek to disrupt data and services, sow confusion, damage networks and computers. Offensive cyber ops would strike military, government and perhaps civilian targets such as critical infrastructure in opponent homeland used to support war effords. Tactical ops would be support of combat forces and to shape the battlefield by degrading command networks and weapons software. Tactical and operative actions will be used against command and control systems ( incl. sensors and computer network and against software that runs advanced weapons ( SAM or fighter aircraft).

Strategic ops can be used in long range strikes against rear areas of the opponents homeland including civil targets with the intention to disrupt services and degrade moral without mass destruction. Civilian targets remain attractive objectives for cyber attacks in support military ops ( war supporting infrastructure, power grids, power generation facilities, telecommunications, financial and transportation systems or government network).

Opponent use of Cyber Ops

The doctrine of today’s potential opponents includes plans to use cyber attacks to shape the initial phases of conflict and disrupt NATO’s response. Strikes against civilian targets risk escalating any conflict, but an opponent may judge the risk of escalation to be acceptable if the context for cyber attack is an offensive against a smaller nation, such as a Baltic country, that it plans to rapidly overrun and occupy. Cyber strikes against civilian targets in these countries could provide a few hours or even a few days of disruption that would in turn generate real advantage in operations planned to last only a day or two. Cyber actions against NATO’s supporting infrastructure, to slow the response to such an offensive, are also likely, but an opponent may choose to limit the effects of such actions in the hopes of reducing the risk of escalation.

While NATO’s likely opponents include those who will make extensive use of cyber techniques, it is worth bearing in mind that the use of offensive cyber capabilities has been minimal in recent armed conflicts in Europe, and has been used primarily for political coercion, opinion shaping and intelligence gathering. Unless new opponents badly misinterpret NATO’s resolve, a blitzkrieg against NATO states is unlikely; but the kind of hybrid warfare used against Ukraine remains a very real risk. Operations in Georgia and Crimea suggest that we need to adjust our thinking about an opponent’s use of cyber attacks.

Stabilising or Not

Dissimulation is an essential part of hybrid warfare, and Europe and the US face a propaganda barrage that is much more sophisticated than the clumsy Soviet efforts of the Cold War. The Russian position is that NATO’s new cyber doctrine is destabilising as it threatens to use conventional or even nuclear responses (in the Russian description of the new policy towards low-level cyber attacks). Russia, along with NATO’s other potential military opponents, is likely to overestimate both capabilities and coordination among NATO member states and underestimate NATO’s will to defend. NATO’s decision on how cyber attacks could trigger Article 5, while greeted with complaints, had a stabilising effect. It made clear to potential opponents that cyber attacks are not risk-free.

The Cyber Club

Some level of cyber capability is being acquired by all advanced militaries, and perhaps a dozen countries can be identified from public sources as procuring offensive cyber capabilities. These countries include several NATO members. As with nuclear weapons, the capability to undertake offensive cyber operations is a club within a club in NATO, with largely the same membership – the US, the UK and France. Germany’s armed forces may also be developing offensive cyber capabilities. They also have a close partnership in cyber espionage. This partnership is centred on a relationship between the US National Security Agency (NSA) and the British Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), both of which are intelligence agencies with a long history of supporting military operations. Until there are better predictive tools and judgments about risk and consequences, offensive cyber operations will require a politically sensitive decision as to when the benefit of an attack outweighs the political risk.

Whiskey and Romeo

The similarity of cyber operations with nuclear weapons lies not in destructive power – a cyber attack would not cause anywhere near the damage that even a small nuclear warhead would produce – but in the need for political control of release and use. The effects of a cyber attack, while limited, are still somewhat unpredictable. The risk of collateral damage is difficult to estimate. Computer networks are connected in strange ways and therefore we could attack one network only to find that third party networks depend on it. This uncertainty about effect is a constraint on offensive cyber operations. Cyber attacks have several stages: reconnaissance to identify the target’s vulnerabilities, developing “weaponized” code, breaking in, delivering the software “payload”, and then “triggering” it – all without being detected. The most harmful cyber attacks – those like Stuxnet that cause physical damage – are still a high art of which only a few nations are capable. While it may eventually be possible to refine the ability to quickly deliver cyber effects and to better. Estimate the potential for collateral damage, the requirements for preparation limit the utility of the nuclear release model for advanced cyber attacks and highlight the need for advance coordination and planning.

Beyond the Nuclear Precedent

NATO could also benefit from ensuring that its exercises include an offensive cyber component. This does not mean, despite Russian suspicions, that NATO will plan offensive cyber operations. It means that just as NATO aircraft are not confined to a defensive tactical role in responding to an attack, a “counter-offensive” capability will require a cyber component. NATO will not initiate conflict, but if conflict is initiated by an opponent, NATO defences will be best served by including an offensive cyber component in its planning and operations. A NATO Cyber Red Team created to test defences would provide an incipient offensive capability, but this by itself is not enough. A Cyber Red Team allows individuals and teams with both the capability to break into networks and the opportunity to practise their techniques, but it does not embed them in a planning and operational context, nor does it connect them to the intelligence needed for a successful cyber attack. Any conflict among advanced military powers will include cyber activities.

Building a Responsive Cyber Defence

The nature of warfare is changing as opponents seek to circumvent Western military power by using a blend of political action, special forces, proxies and irregular units, unconventional tactics and cyber techniques to find a different way of applying force to gain their ends. What Russia sometimes call “hybrid warfare” will challenge NATO defence planning. NATO would never refrain from using fighter aircraft because they can serve offensive purposes, and say it would rely solely on air defence missiles and damage control to deal with the threat of air attack. Nor would NATO renounce armoured vehicles and rely only on static defence. A defensive approach that forsakes the possibility of offensive action is essentially a cyber Maginot Line. This defensive orientation serves no one’s interest except that of our opponents. Offensive cyber operations are similarly a part of warfare that advanced militaries cannot ignore.

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